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Plato's Cratylus
(Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)
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First published Wed Oct 4, 2006
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The formal topic of the Cratylus is ‘correctness of
names’, a hot topic in the late fifth cent-
ury BC when the dialogue has its dramatic setting. Sophists like
Prodicus offered training courses in this subject, sometimes perhaps
meaning by it little more than lessons in correct diction.
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But that practical issue spawned the theoretical question,
what criteria determine the correct choice of name for
any given object? And in the Cratylus Socrates'
two primary interlocutors, Hermogenes and Cratylus (the latter
of whom is reported by Aristotle to have been an early
philosophical influence on Plato), represent two diametrically
opposed answers to that question.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ T onoma
As a preliminary, it is important to be clear about what is meant by
‘names’. The plural noun onomata (singular
onoma), translated ‘names’, in fact varies
between being (a) a general term for ‘words’, (b) more
narrowly, nouns, or perhaps nouns and adjectives, and (c) in certain
contexts, proper names alone. In (a), the most generic use, it comes
to designate language as such. Ultimately, for this reason, the
Cratylus is Plato's dialogue about language, even if
the elements of language on which it concentrates are in fact mainly
nouns. Proper names are included among these nouns, and at times are
treated as paradigmatic examples of them.
The positions of Hermogenes and Cratylus have come to be known to
modern scholarship as ‘conventionalism’ and
‘naturalism’ respectively. An extreme linguistic
conventionalist like Hermogenes holds that nothing but local
or national convention determines which words are used to designate
which objects. The same names could have been attached to quite
different objects, and the same objects given quite different names, so
long as the users of the language were party to the convention.
Cratylus, as an extreme linguistic naturalist, holds that names cannot
be arbitrarily chosen in the way that conventionalism describes or
advocates, because names belong naturally to their specific
objects. If you try to speak of something with any name other than its
natural name, you are simply failing to refer to it at all. For
example, he has told Hermogenes to the latter's intense annoyance,
Hermogenes is not actually his name.
Socrates is the main speaker in this dialogue, and his arguments are
generally taken to represent Plato's own current views. He starts
out by criticizing conventionalism, and persuades Hermogenes that some
kind of naturalism must be endorsed. This leads to a long central
section in which Socrates' version of naturalism is spelt out by
appeal to proposed etymologies of philosophically important words:
those words, it turns out, have not been attached in a merely arbitrary
way to their objects, but are encoded descriptions of them. So
far the argument seems to be going Cratylus' way. But in the
final part of the dialogue Socrates turns to Cratylus and shows him
that his expectations as a naturalist are set impossibly high: names
cannot aspire to being perfect encapsulations of their objects'
essences, and some element of convention is must be conceded.
Scholarly opinion has long been divided as to how Socrates'
own eventual position should be understood — as a qualified
vindication of conventionalism, of naturalism, or of neither. If
Socrates is read as actually dismissing naturalism, it is almost
inevitable that his naturalistic etymological decodings of words, to
which well over half the dialogue is devoted, should be taken as not
seriously intended, and in fact as making fun of the entire
etymological practice. This has been the majority position among
interpreters for well over a century. It rests partly on the conviction
that (a) the etymologies are ridiculous, and (b) Plato knew as well as
we do that they are ridiculous.
However, at least some caution is required here. The Greeks
knew little about the historical origins of their own language,
and the style of etymology practised by Socrates in this dialogue is
not very different — except perhaps in its elaborateness —
from that practised by a great many ancient writers, one which had its
roots in Homer and Hesiod. None of Plato's readers in antiquity,
starting with his own pupil Aristotle, seems to have suspected the
Cratylus etymologies of being non-serious. The interpretation
according to which Plato is mocking etymological practice, although not
demonstrably wrong, may be suspected of crediting him with an
anachronistic degree of insight into historical linguistics. That
Socrates' long etymological extravaganza is peppered with humour
is not in doubt, but that the humour must be directed at the
etymologies as such is less clear. Reading Socratic humour is a largely
intuitive matter, and one which regularly divides readers.
Socrates' humour in the Cratylus is at least partly
directed at his own uncharacteristic boldness in declaiming long
strings of word derivations, contrary to his familiar disavowal of
expert knowledge about anything. Whether some of it is left over for
deflating the etymological enterprise itself is a question on which
readers must make up their own minds. But the present article is based
on the contrary assumption, that the etymological practice on display
in the dialogue is seriously meant.
Where does the Cratylus belong among Plato's works.
It is conventional, though far from uncontroversial, to place an entire
series of dialogues featuring the ‘classical theory of
Forms’ in his middle period (see the entry on
Plato's middle period metaphysics and epistemology).
And three of these — the Republic, Phaedrus
and Parmenides — are often thought to belong late in
that period, on the evidence of stylistic features. For those who
accept this schema, the Cratylus ought to belong relatively
early in the group, since it contains the
classical theory of Forms
but lacks the late stylistic features. It might therefore, with some
plausibility, be placed close to the Phaedo, and this dating
has often been favoured. However, thematic links to the interests
explored in late dialogues like the Sophist have encouraged
some to date it later. Besides the manuscripts preserve two passages
that seem to be traces of a superseded first edition of the dialogue,
suggesting that what we have could be a revised edition, quite
possibly of relatively late date. If so, the text as we have it may
not straightforwardly represent any one period of Plato's work.
Entry Contents
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| To the Top |
As the dialogue opens, Cratylus and Hermogenes are approaching
Socrates to referee their dispute (see above) about language. Cratylus,
Hermogenes complains, has been maddeningly secretive about the details
of his naturalist thesis, and has had the effrontery to inform him that
Hermogenes is not his real name. How can that be, Hermogenes wonders,
when all it takes for a name to be someone's name is that there
be an agreement by the relevant human community to use it that way?
Quizzed by Socrates about the size of the relevant community,
Hermogenes agrees that at an extreme it might even be one
person's private name usage that is at issue. And he concedes
that Socrates could if he wished have private nicknames that conflict
with the city's public vocabulary, for example by calling a man
‘horse’ and vice versa.
This may be read as simply establishing the precise terms of
Hermogenes' conventionalism. Although it is often interpreted as
already reducing his thesis to an absurdity, there is no reason to
think so, and at all events it is only in the next move that Socrates
represents himself as developing an actual objection to
Hermogenes' conventionalist stance.
That next move starts with Socrates securing Hermogenes'
rejection of out-and-out relativism like that of Protagoras.
(See the entry
Plato on Knowledge in the Theaetetus.)
This in turn commits him to the view that things have objective
natures independent of how they may appear to us, and that there are
objectively determined skills for dealing with them: for example, the
right way to cut something is determined, independently of our own
subjective preferences, by that thing's objective nature. Like
cutting, naming too will be an objective science. Much as a shuttle is
a tool for separating threads, a name is a ‘tool for instructing
by separating being’ (388b-c). But tools must be made by
appropriate experts, who are themselves advised and guided by the
tools' destined users. Thus, just as the shuttle-making carpenter is
guided by the weaver who has commissioned his product, so too the
name-maker is an expert who, ideally at least, is guided by that
ultimate expert in word use, the dialectician. It follows that names,
if correctly made, cannot be randomly adopted, as Hermogenes'
conventionalism would imply, but on the contrary need to be expertly
made for their specific purpose, in a way that corresponds to the
natures of the things they name.
Like any good craftsman, Socrates also maintains, the name-maker (or
‘lawmaker’, as he also somewhat mysteriously calls this
particular expert) must turn his mind's eye to the appropriate
Form, which he then embodies in the materials at his disposal, just as
a carpenter making a shuttle or drill, having turned his mind's
eye to the appropriate Form, then embodies it in the particular wood
or metal at his disposal. In the case of name-making, the appropriate
material is not wood or metal, but vocal sound. Implicitly, just as
the same shuttle Form can be embodied in various woods and metals, so
too the same name Form can be embodied with equal success in the
various sound systems that different languages employ. In this way, it
is made clear, the undeniable fact that the same thing is called by
many different names around the world need not conflict with the
naturalist thesis that names belong naturally to their objects: each
of those names is the appropriate and natural way to represent its
name-Form in the local sound system (389d-390a).
The relevant name Forms for a name-maker to look to, Socrates makes
clear, will not be simply the generic Form of name, but also one of
its species, the specific Form of the name currently being sought.
Presumably the generic Form of name is the function of a name as such,
which as we have seen is to instruct by separating being. If so, the
Form of a specific name, say the Form of the name of a man, will be
that name's function of instructing by separating the being
of a man. Otherwise put, the name ‘man’, or its
equivalent in any other language, is a suitable and well-made name in
so far as it discharges its function of separating off vocally what it
is to be a man from what it is to be a dog, a drainpipe, or anything
else. In doing this, the name also ‘instructs’. It does
so, it seems, ideally by the educational means that a dialectician
would use — by accurately focusing the discussion onto the
object of inquiry, in this case man, and thus helping interlocutors to
proceed with the task of defining, and thereby understanding, what a
man essentially is. But at a more mundane level of language use, there
is little doubt that the ‘instruction’ envisaged will
reduce to the ordinary imparting of information — in this case,
for example, by indicating that the item referred to in a sentence is
a man rather than something else.
Everything down to here is set out in terms of Plato's own
metaphysics, and has all the hallmarks of philosophical seriousness.
Names are purpose-made portions of vocal sound, expertly constructed
for their specific function of marking off this or that item's
being. This is clearly a form of naturalism, since it treats names as
appropriately correlated to the specific natures of the objects they
name. But what does that natural correlation amount to?
At a minimum it might have consisted merely in the accurate mapping
of a language's vocabulary onto the natural genera and species
that constitute reality, so that each word corresponds to precisely one
entity. But such a mapping could in principle be done even if the
actual words were formed and assigned on a random basis, which would be
entirely compatible with Hermogenes' conventionalism. Since
Socrates and Hermogenes seem agreed that that original stance has now
been undermined, and since it is the actual making of names that has
been presented as an expertise, not merely their assignment once made,
it is clear that Socratic naturalism must lie not merely in a correct
mapping relation, but in each word's formation as one
specifically appropriate to it object. What kind of appropriateness is
at issue?
Socrates' proposed answer fills the very extensive central
section of the dialogue. In short (for to say it at length would exceed
the capacity of this article), names are appropriate to their objects
in so far as they describe them. According to a long series of
etymologies proposed by Socrates, the Greek vocabulary itself, when
suitably decoded, is an elaborate set of descriptions of what each
named item is. To continue with the example already mentioned, the
Greek word for ‘man’, anthrôpos, according
to Socrates appears to break down into anathrôn ha
opôpe, ‘one who reflects on what he has seen’
(390c). That is, the species which uniquely possesses both eyesight and
intelligence has been given a name which acknowledges precisely that
distinguishing combination.
Any residual sympathy for Hermogenes' original conviction that
man and horse could just as easily have been assigned each
other's names is, it seems, meant to have evaporated by this
point. (Even at 333e-334a, very near the end of the dialogue Socrates
will continue to reject Hermogenes' assertion of
name-interchangeability, this time with the examples of ‘large’
and ‘small’.) Scholars who doubt that Plato means to make
such generous concessions to naturalism have been inclined to treat
etymologies like that of ‘man’ as non-serious. But this
particular decoding was widely accepted by later writers, not all of
them Platonists, and there is no evidence that anyone, Plato included,
thought it ridiculous. The latter is equally true regarding the
remainder of the etymologies.
The other etymologies that make up this central section are
systematically ordered to cover the main objects of philosophical and
scientific discourse. After an only partly successful trial-run with
personal names, including Homeric and mythological ones (391c-397b),
Socrates and Hermogenes set out to work through the vocabulary of
cosmology (397c-410e): the hierarchy of intelligent beings; soul and
body; names of deities; astronomical entities; the elements; and the
principles of temporal regularity. They then turn to ethics
(411a-421c): intellectual virtues; moral virtues; technical virtues;
generic terms of evaluation; emotive states; judgement; will; and
finally truth (presumably treated as underlying the intellectual
virtues). Lastly, they seek the roots of all this signification in the
directly imitative primary sounds out of which the simplest words are
composed (421c-427d).
Socrates' implied main principles of etymology, as they emerge
over this entire section, supplemented by the remainder of the
dialogue, can be summarized as follows:
- The names of things were originally assigned to them by one or more of
our early ancestors.
- It is a familiar fact that when a name is created it is normally
descriptive of its object (cf. our ‘computer’,
‘ashtray’, etc.), and likewise the original name-makers
will have encoded in their products their own insights —
some better, some worse — into the natures of the things they
were naming.
- Those original names have survived into today's language, but
corrupted by sound-shifts over the centuries, so that to discern their
originally intended message requires special expertise.
- Even the original encodings may have been enigmatic, due to the need
for compression into just a few syllables. (Modern acronyms are a
useful parallel here.)
- A name is a tool, whose function is to instruct by separating the being
of its object.
- A name's ‘power’ (dunamis) lies in its
success in separating the being of its object by descriptive means.
- Two names have the same ‘power’ provided that both succeed
in marking off the same object, even if they do so by means of
different descriptions, i.e. without being simple synonyms (cf.
394b-c).
- Because a name signifies by description, it can be said to imitate the
being of the object to which it has been assigned. It does with vocal
materials what a painted portrait does with visual materials.
- Such imitation, however, could never be complete and perfect. (See
section 4 below.)
- A complex name is analysable sometimes into a predicative
description (rhêma) of its object, sometimes into a
complete statement (logos) about it.
- The simpler names
composing complex ones may admit of further analysis, but eventually
primary names must be reached.
- Primary names are analyzable, not into further names, but into
elementary sounds (or letters), each of which has its own imitative
significance. Socrates uses the comparison of portraits, whose primary
organic components (nose, fingertip, etc.) will be analysable, not
into further organic parts, but into directly imitative colours.
- Each elementary sound
may have more than one imitative significance, and recognizing the
relevant one will then depend on context. (We might compare the
variable signification of the letters constituting modern
acronyms.)
- An etymological expert
has to learn to detect the salient semantic or phonetic components of
each name and to set aside the others. To illustrate this with a very
simple case (393d-e), in understanding the names of the letters alpha,
beta etc., we can all learn to recognize that it is the first sound
alone that determines the meaning, and that the others can be safely
ignored.
- When a single name
turns out to admit of two or more decodings, sometimes these will be
mutually complementary and should therefore be endorsed in combination.
An example is hêlios, ‘sun’, a word whose
superlative appropriateness is appreciated only when we work out that
it is that which, by its rising, ‘assembles’
(halizein) people, which ‘always rolls’ (aei
eilein iôn) around the earth, and which by its motion
‘variegates’ (aiollein) the things that grow from
the earth (409a1-6).
- Sometimes instead we
are forced to choose between rival decodings of the same word. In such
cases, the most subtle and/or complex one is normally to be preferred
(cf. 399d-400b).
- A single Greek word is
best understood by examining its profile across all the
language's dialects. Sometimes these variants will bring out
different aspects which complement each other (cf. 401b-e).
- Some etymologies will
look far-fetched, but even these may gain in credibility when taken
jointly with kindred ones (cf. 415d-e).
- A primary name may
contain a mixture of appropriate, neutral and inappropriate sounds, and
thus have a greater or lesser degree of imitative
‘correctness’. But (implicitly) it could not have a
preponderance of sounds inappropriate to its object and still be that
object's name.
- Some names may have
originated as loan-words from other languages, and therefore not
respond to (Greek) etymological analysis.
Socrates' and Hermogenes' assumption throughout the
etymological section is that, by decoding the philosophically
significant Greek vocabulary, they are reading off from it the
beliefs of those early members of their race who first gave things
their names. It is in this sense that they assume etymology to work: it
really can decode words and thus read the mindset of our early
ancestors. Moreover, in keeping with his culture's veneration for
antiquity, Socrates respects whatever insights the ancients prove to
have had into many cosmological matters, above all their recognition,
which emerges on nearly every page, that intelligence is the key factor
in the world's structure.
But at no point does Socrates let that veneration turn into an
attribution of authority to the ancients, and hence into a belief that
etymology is a route to establishing the truth. The ancients' views,
once rediscovered, must be assessed on their merits, and when he turns
to the ethical vocabulary he in fact finds them to have blundered
disastrously. For, he maintains, the Greek ethical vocabulary when put
under the microscope turns out again and again to associate positive
values with flux, negative values with stability. In thus tying values to constant change, he
suggests, the name-makers were projecting their own intellectual
dizziness onto the things they were naming.
Socrates' exposure and criticism of the ancients' error
no doubt hints at what Plato sees as his philosophical
forerunners' failure to recognize the essential stability of values.
Plato sees the two of them — Socrates and himself — as
responsible for that all-important breakthrough. The way in which the
ancient name-makers prove to have understood cosmology so much better
than they did ethics mirrors Plato's relative valuation of the
Presocratic philosophers in the same two disciplines.
Cratylus, who came to be known in antiquity as a proponent of
universal flux, is not at all deterred by the flux content discovered
in the existing Greek vocabulary, and interprets Socrates'
etymological marathon as vindicating his own naturalist stance. But
from now on Cratylus' extreme position will be under attack. He
believes all names to be perfectly faithful descriptions of their
objects, with the consequence that a string of sound embodying a less
than accurate description of some object could never be that
object's name. As a further consequence he also holds,
conversely, that a string of sound which did succeed in being the
object's name would be a guaranteed source of knowledge about it.
These are the twin targets of Socrates' critique.
If an allegedly inaccurate name like ‘Hermogenes’ fails
to name at all, to call the person in question ‘Hermogenes’
is not even to say something false, according to Cratylus, but simply
to fail to say anything. In this way Cratylus turns out to belong to
that school of sophistic thinkers who paradoxically deny that false
statement is possible
(see the entry on
method and metaphysics in Plato's Sophist and
Statesman).
Socrates' reply to this seeks to enforce an admission that
there are, in such naming contexts, variable degrees of correctness,
and indeed that no naming act could ever attain perfect
accuracy. He finally wins this round by appeal to a pair of analogies
with paintings. First (430a-431c), if attaching names to people is like
assigning portraits to them, there seems no reason why one could not
succeed in incorrectly assigning them the wrong portrait, and
likewise the wrong name. Second (432b-c), however good a likeness a
name is of its object, some gap between the two must inevitably remain:
otherwise painting a completely accurate portrait of Cratylus would
result, not in Cratylus plus his picture, but in two Cratyluses.
Although Plato's long-standing interest in the falsity issue
is well known, the main aim here is to enforce Cratylus'
agreement on a point already established in the etymological section:
that although names do indeed function as names by being miniaturized
descriptions of their objects, they can succeed in being names despite
a considerable variation in their degree of descriptive accuracy. Names
are ‘so far as possible’ likenesses of their objects, but
the minimum condition for their being those objects' names is
merely that they convey their ‘outline’ (432e-433e). The
portrait analogy is here too not far from the surface.
Not only does Socrates thus weaken the principles of naturalism, but
he also makes it clear that in doing so he is reintroducing an element
of conventionalism (434a-435d). This is argued in two ways.
First, at the level of primary sounds, it is agreed that the word
for ‘hardness’, sklêrotês, contains
both a hardness sound, R, and a softness sound, L. (We are permitted to
assume that all the other sounds in it are neutral in this regard.) How
then do people succeed in understanding its meaning correctly? Thanks
to convention, is the unfortunate answer to which Cratylus commits
himself, thus conceding to Hermogenes far more than he ever intended to
(434e-435b). Second, Socrates points out that the names of numbers will
be impossible to explain without including an element of
convention.
The difficult question about these two moves, on which scholarship
is divided, is how far the pendulum has now swung back towards
conventionalism. There are reasons for being wary of exaggerating the
swing. As regards the first argument, it is significant that Socrates
nowhere in the dialogue admits any case in which the inappropriate
elements in a name outnumber the appropriate ones (hence item 19 in the
list of etymological principles, section 3 above). The test case, that
of sklêrotês, is one where the score is even, so
that convention has to be called in to break the deadlock. And as
regards the argument about numbers, Socrates is explicit that
convention needs to be invoked here, not to replace naturalism, but on
the contrary to vindicate it: ‘[W]here do you think you're
going to get, to apply to numbers, a supply of names which resemble
every single one of them, if you don't allow the consent and
agreement you spoke of to have some authority concerning correctness of
names?’ (435b-c). And he does have a good point. There cannot be
a simple set of direct and unmediated resemblances between numbers and
their names, because there are infinitely many numbers, so that an
infinite set of number-names made out of the finite stock of letters
would be unable to place any limit on the length of those names. We
therefore have to have agreed rules for composing their names
out of smaller units: twenty-seven, two hundred and forty, etc.
(English and ancient Greek are not very different in this regard.) And
those rules will be where the element of convention creeps in. If so,
the result is that the descriptive power of number-names is vindicated:
thanks to this simple set of conventions we can name, by
description, any one of the infinite series of natural numbers.
This is very far from being an abandonment of naturalism.
The closing topic to which Socrates and Cratylus turn is where
knowledge is to come from. Cratylus, despite the damage Socrates has
inflicted on his extreme naturalism, still clings to his belief that
the study of things' names is the privileged route to knowledge
of the things themselves. But why, Socrates wants to know, should we
assume that the original name-givers were infallibly right in the
descriptions they encoded? Cratylus, who is emerging as an adherent of
the flux theory, points to the consistent emphasis on flux revealed
throughout the foregoing etymologies. To this Socrates retorts that (a)
one can be consistently wrong, as well as right, and (b) other
etymologies can be found that show up the original name-makers as not
quite so consistently wedded to flux after all.
This latter point should not be mistaken for an attempt to refute
the etymological theory as such — that is, the theory that
etymological analysis can succeed in reading off the beliefs of
the original name-makers. For Socrates will soon be reaffirming his own
confidence in the main finding of the etymologies, that the name-makers
really did believe everything to be in flux (439c). He is just
questioning how consistent and single-minded they were about sticking
to that belief, and hence challenging their infallibility, and their
reliability as authorities.
There remains, Socrates points out, the question where the original
name-makers would have got their knowledge from. Obviously not
from the study of names, he points out (438a-b). It is only a short
step from this to agreeing that no intermediacy, of names or
anything else, between the would-be knower and the object known can do
anything but impede the learning process. Rather, Socrates proposes,
reality should be directly studied in its own right. Some have thought
that Plato is here proposing an altogether non-linguistic mode of
philosophizing, although his remarks can in fact be adequately
understood as merely denying that names should be studied in
the pursuit of knowledge, without any accompanying denial that they
should even be used.
The dialogue's final argument (439b-440d) implicitly
identifies the Forms as the objects that require that unmediated study
in pursuit of knowledge. Even Cratylus, by now a passionate partisan of
flux, can see the point that something should remain stable
through the change. For even so self-guaranteeing a statement as the
self-predication ‘The Beautiful itself is beautiful’ could
not be truly utterable unless the Form referred to endured long enough
for the predicate to be attached to it. Worse, knowledge would not be
possible if, during the process of our learning about its object, that
object were already changing into something else. With these arguments
spelt out, Socrates allows himself definitively to deny the truth of
the universal-flux thesis, while Cratylus, disregarding Socrates'
warnings, reaffirms his own commitment to it.
This final scene thus points forward to two diametrically opposed
developments. One is Cratylus' eventual conviction, as reported
by Aristotle (Metaphysics 1010a7-15), that flux is so rampant
and exceptionless as to make it impossible to speak of anything at all.
The other is Socrates' progress towards the stable ontology that
would in due course be the hallmark of Platonism. Plato had in his
formative years been influenced in turn by both Cratylus and Socrates.
The dialogue's close symbolizes his own eventual philosophical
choice between them.
Socrates' and Hermogenes' assumption throughout the
etymological section is that, by decoding the philosophically
significant Greek vocabulary, they are reading off from it the
beliefs of those early members of their race who first gave things
their names. It is in this sense that they assume etymology to work: it
really can decode words and thus read the mindset of our early
ancestors. Moreover, in keeping with his culture's veneration for
antiquity, Socrates respects whatever insights the ancients prove to
have had into many cosmological matters, above all their recognition,
which emerges on nearly every page, that intelligence is the key factor
in the world's structure.
But at no point does Socrates let that veneration turn into an
attribution of authority to the ancients, and hence into a belief that
etymology is a route to establishing the truth. The ancients' views,
once rediscovered, must be assessed on their merits, and when he turns
to the ethical vocabulary he in fact finds them to have blundered
disastrously. For, he maintains, the Greek ethical vocabulary when put
under the microscope turns out again and again to associate positive
values with flux, negative values with stability. In thus tying values to constant change, he
suggests, the name-makers were projecting their own intellectual
dizziness onto the things they were naming.
Socrates' exposure and criticism of the ancients' error
no doubt hints at what Plato sees as his philosophical
forerunners' failure to recognize the essential stability of values.
Plato sees the two of them — Socrates and himself — as
responsible for that all-important breakthrough. The way in which the
ancient name-makers prove to have understood cosmology so much better
than they did ethics mirrors Plato's relative valuation of the
Presocratic philosophers in the same two disciplines.
Entry Contents
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
| To the Top |
- Dalimier, C., 1998, Platon, Cratyle. Paris: Flammarion.
- Fowler, H. N., 1926, Plato: Cratylus, Parmenides, Greater Hippias, Lesser
Hippias. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge Mass.: Harvard
University Press.
- Méridier, L., 1931, Platon, Cratyle. Paris: Les belles
letters.
- Reeve, C. D. C., 1997, Plato, Cratylus: translated with introduction and
notes. Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett; reprinted in
J.M. Cooper. (ed.) Plato, Complete Works. Indianapolis and
Cambridge: Hackett.
- Duke, E. A., W. F. Hicken, W. S. M. Nicoll, D. B. Robinson, J. C. G. Strachan
(eds.), 1995, Platonis Opera, tomus I. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
- Ackrill, J. L., 1994, ‘Language and reality in Plato's
Cratylus’, in A. Alberti (ed.) Realtà e
ragione, Florence: Olschki: 9-28; repr. in Ackrill,
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